Potential TikTok ban bill passes House vote, could speed through Senate

It’s a story of lurid violence from a bygone age, of hot death on the battlefield, and cool intrigue in the palaces of Kings and Emperors. But it’s also the story of climate change, financial collapse, moral panics, speculative bubbles, pandemic, crisis in institutional legitimacy, of conspiracy theories driving policy, and an information revolution that changes the way everyday people relate to their political leaders. Since lawmakers introduced their latest proposal targeting the app last month, the company has launched a major counteroffensive against the effort, enlisting scores of users through pop-up notifications to bombard lawmakers with calls voicing opposition to the legislation. TikTok has blasted lawmakers’ efforts to potentially ban the app as an affront on free speech and disputes lawmakers’ suggestions that it is beholden to China or any government.

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It just sounds dire—like there's no transgressive position left except ironic fascism. I absolutely understand the people who were like, "Fuck Chapo, I don't care what three white dudes have to say at this moment”—but at the same time, I've always imagined that the show was diverting at least a few white dudes toward progressive thought who might otherwise not have seen a place for themselves in those movements. The fact that you were willing to keep saying that didn’t make you a lot of friends among centrist liberals, especially once Trump got in and people started talking about career politicians as “The Resistance”– but I assume that was a net positive for a show like this. That's part of what Chapo brought into political media—in 2016, before things like 4Chan bubbled up into the mainstream, practically no one with a real job in journalism was paying close enough attention to the extremely-online world and extremely niche conservative media to recognize those dog whistles for what they were. In ten episodes, hosts Matt Christman and Chris Wade will guide listeners from Luther’s 95 Theses to the English Glorious Revolution, and all the blood spilled in between, with their signature mix of historical analysis and ribald humor.

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One of the reasons they’re able to pass off their really sophomoric claims to authority is that they have this aura around themselves of wonkery and really the only way to pierce that — you could, I guess, do point by point rebuttals — but I think viscerally the most effective way to pierce that is just mockery,” Matt said. “They all made their bones, a lot of these guys, by pimping the Iraq war,” Will added. But I think it’s one that we’ve mastered,” Will said, most likely with at least three or four levels of irony, in Episode 4 (“Bernie Blanco From the Bronx”). But the weird part is, very soon after you started doing this show, all that extremely online discourse came crashing into the mainstream.

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The Radical Cheek of 'Chapo Trap House' - Pacific Standard

The Radical Cheek of 'Chapo Trap House'.

Posted: Fri, 04 Nov 2016 07:00:00 GMT [source]

“Policymakers have legitimate concerns about Chinese-made apps and reciprocal access to China’s digital market, but they should address those issues through policies that are specific, scalable, and sound,” Castro said in an email to The Post. “I’m glad to see the House help push this important bill forward to force Beijing-based ByteDance to divest its ownership of TikTok,” Warner said in a statement to The Post. The Senate plans to take the matter up Tuesday, Majority Leader Charles E. Schumer (D-N.Y.) said in a statement emailed to The Post. “The Senate now stands ready to take the next step,” Schumer said. The move represents one of the most significant threats to the U.S. operations of the wildly popular app, which is used by roughly 170 million Americans, but whose China-based parent company ByteDance has long sparked national security fears in Washington.

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This podcast was produced by Kelli Wessinger and Casey Morell. Listen to every episode of the NPR Politics Podcast sponsor-free, unlock access to bonus episodes with more from the NPR Politics team, and support public media when you sign up for The NPR Politics Podcast+ at plus.npr.org/politics. On the Friday night before the Ace show, I sat with producer Wade along with two-thirds of the core Chapo team—Menaker and Christman—in a booth at the Rainbow Bar & Grill on the Sunset Strip, an L.A. Institution so iconically dirtbaggy I felt guilty for suggesting it.

We're talking a few days after Joe Biden made his statement about marijuana reform. I'm fascinated by how much people want to believe in the idea that he's going "Dark Brandon" and that this is an indication of that. It seemed like a lot of the viscerally negative response to Chapo, and to the broader concept of the "dirtbag left," has to do with who you were speaking to, and who this show was resonating with.

Chapo Trap House

Chapo Trap House's Virgil Texas, Matt Christman, and Will Menaker join guest host Evan McMorris-Santoro, of Vice ... - Slate

Chapo Trap House's Virgil Texas, Matt Christman, and Will Menaker join guest host Evan McMorris-Santoro, of Vice ....

Posted: Thu, 23 Aug 2018 07:00:00 GMT [source]

“Legislators who are genuinely concerned about social media platforms’ practices have better options at their disposal, and we continue to urge lawmakers to lean in to those rather than undermining the First Amendment rights of millions of Americans,” Johnson said. The unorthodox maneuver could expedite the crackdown’s path through Congress, where negotiations had slowed after an earlier attempt hurtled through the House last month. With growing support in the Senate, the legislation appears more likely than ever to become law. The feature writer Charlotte Edwardes recently interviewed Rayner.

But the idea that the hipsters are going right wing just feels like an apocalyptic harbinger to me. However coarse Chapo was and is, it was ultimately idealistic. It's about the idea that the world need not be this bad. Whatever's happening now feels like people just saying, Whatever, let it burn down, LOL.

“So it doesn’t sound like I’m broadcasting from an airplane bathroom or something.” Felix suggested that he would get his mother to send him a microphone from her home in Chicago. Matt bragged that his microphone was fine, so good in fact that, his co-hosts noted, it keeps picking up his heavy breathing all the time. TikTok is “a spy balloon in Americans’ phones” used to “surveil and exploit America’s personal information,” Rep. Michael McCaul (R-Tex.), chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, said Saturday as he introduced the measure for debate. In recent years, however, the night has taken on a different tone, with the atmosphere of warm self-deprecation and bipartisan bonhomie replaced by something more scathing and serious.

Audio issues aside, you should listen to Chapo Trap House not merely because it’s funny or because you’re apt to learn something — but because ultimately, whatever high horse you ride on social media, whatever your political precepts, whatever media figures you revere, you’re probably due to be taken down a peg. “These guys who are around our age, a little older, who are now claiming these sinecures — it’s almost as though they all in college had to go to an initiation where they like beat an Iraqi kid to death with a brick or something,” Felix said. But they reserve some of their most righteous anger for entrenched liberals. It’s a series of blistering takedowns of precisely the sort of feckless media hack who uses phrases like “blistering takedowns.” And, in its carnivalesque treatment of prominent politicos, it is the perfect complement to this unprecedentedly weird election cycle. I haven't spent much time in New York since COVID but my sense from what I read online is that all the hipsters have started tacking right politically.

There is hope for action, but it's in the workplace, it's in labor unions, it's in organizing. It’s a progression of disillusionment and disenchantment with institutions. Meaning that there's a smaller and smaller group of people who want to hear anything about the government helping them, because their experience is that that's not what the government does. Some people talk about, y'know, Oh, we're gonna eventually see nobody voting in this country. I think voter participation rates are gonna go up in the near future, but it's gonna be because people are voting on who to punish.

But the challenge for us is we're doing a national program that is supposed to be for a national audience whose frame of reference will therefore have to be national. And that means we still have to talk about politics as spectacle, and it means we have to really assimilate-- at least I know I had to—the moral implications of just being an entertainment at this point in history. Like, okay, this is still a political show, but not a show that is politics.